Fame

Huck

This Italian language source:

Lorenzo il Magnifico e il suo tempo
By Ingeborg Walter
http://books.google.com/books?id=PO...olita&sig=buuxd0oqgexVAtF0gSxOwvLcdmE#PPA8,M1

although limited in its online-representation, includes some information about the birth of Lorenzo de Medici, that is also about the motif "Fame", chosen by Pietro di Medici for the birth-tondo for Lorenzo de Medici.

p. 8 and the following pages

First the date of day of birth (in 1449) is remarkable.

1.1. ... this was a day, when gambling was allowed (not necessarily in Florence), at least often used for games.

6.1. ... the day, when Lorenzo was baptised. The event was combined with great pomp, which ... as it seems ... annually happened in Florence, cause it seems they had a favor for the 3 Magi (already then). At least there existed already a confraternity for this feast and Cosimo was active in directive functions in it since 1436.
It seems, that the show was combined with rappresentatione, telling the story of the Magi.
Considering, what later happened: The Medici paid for the decoration of the famous Medici Capella, where Benito Gozzoli painted his masterwork, the triumphal march of the 3 Magi, it's obvious, they couldn't have found a better day for this act.

Lorenzo ... the name. The name was given reminding the dead brother of Cosimo, also named Lorenzo, who, very interesting, died 23rd of September 1440, that is precisely short before all this Trionfi engagement in 1441 started (inclusive the specific engagement of Piero de Medici with Petrarca-production and literary competition in Florence).
I think, it was mainly this Lorenzo (and less Cosimo), who made it possible, that the council moved from Ferrara to Florence).

Lorenzo .. the name is a male form of "Laura" and Laura was the name of the admired female idol of Petrarca.

So ... the engagement of Piero for Petrarca in matters of the Trionfi edition and the poetical competition in 1441 should be connected to the death of his uncle Lorenzo, and the birth of his oldest son, baptising him on the name of this same uncle, also.

The choice for the motif "Fame" for the birth-Tondo is only "connected action" then.

Some info to Lorenzo:

Wikipedia:

Lorenzo di Giovanni de' Medici (c. 1395 – September 23, 1440) was an Italian banker of the House of Medici of Florence, the younger brother of Cosimo de' Medici the Elder and the founder of the so-called dei Popolani line of the family.

Lorenzo was the son of Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici and Piccarda Bueri, and was educated by Carlo Marsuppini. In 1416 he married Ginevra Cavalcanti, from whom he had two sons: Francesco, who was childless, and Pierfrancesco, who originated the Popolani line.

Lorenzo followed his brother Cosimo in his moves at Ferrara, Verona and Vicenza. In 1433 he tried to muster an army to free Cosimo when the latter was arrested under the charge of tyranny. Later he joined him at Venice and returned with him in Florence triumphantly after Cosimo's rehabilitation.

Though dedicating himself much to banking activity, Lorenzo held several charges in the Florentine Republic, and was ambassador to Pope Eugene IV and the Republic of Venice. In 1435 he moved to Rome to oversee the affairs of the Medici Bank at the Papal court.

He died in 1440 in the Villa of Careggi and was buried in the Basilica of San Lorenzo.

http://www.palazzo-medici.it/mediateca/schede.php?id_scheda=53&sezione=0

Figlio di Giovanni di Bicci e Piccarda de’ Bueri, Lorenzo era fratello minore di Cosimo il Vecchio. Fu suo precettore Carlo Marsuppini.
Molto legato al fratello Cosimo, con questi nel 1430 andò a Ferrara, Verona e poi Venezia fuggendo da Firenze dove dilagava la peste. Nel 1433 era alla residenza del Trebbio in Mugello, quando Cosimo fu arrestato. Lorenzo allora tentò di radunare alcuni armati per rientrare con la forza a Firenze, ma fu dissuaso. Così prese i figli di Cosimo, lo raggiunse in esilio a Venezia.
In generale si tenne al di fuori della vita politica impegnandosi soprattutto negli affari del banco di famiglia e rimanendo nell’ombra rispetto al fratello maggiore. Nel 1431 fu eletto fra i Dieci di Balia. Fu più volte ambasciatore in legazioni fiorentine: nel 1429 presso i veneziani; nel 1431 a Roma presso papa Eugenio IV in occasione della sua elezione pontificale; nel 1438 a Ferrara, al posto di Cosimo che era stato nel frattempo eletto gonfaloniere, per convincere lo stesso Eugenio IV a trasferire il concilio fra la Chiesa d’Occidente e la Chiesa d’Oriente a Firenze.
Nel 1435 si trasferì a Roma come depositario delle entrate della Camera Apostolica.
Sposò Ginevra di Giovanni di Amerigo Cavalcanti.
Secondo quanto riportano le fonti e i suoi panegiristi (Poggio Bracciolini, Pacini, Vespasiano da Bisticci) fu un uomo di buona salute, molto attivo, amante della campagna, della caccia e dei cani. In una lettera del 1440 scrive al nipote Giovanni per ringraziarlo dei cani che gli aveva mandato e gli comunica che glieli avrebbe restituiti per averne degli altri.
Nel 1440 morì alla villa di Careggi. Fu sepolto in San Lorenzo. I figli Pierfrancesco e Francesco passavano quindi sotto la tutela dello zio Cosimo il Vecchio.

It seems, that the younger brother Lorenzo was more loved than Cosimo in his lifetime (very active, loved hunting and his dogs). It seems, that his contacts to poets were more vivid than those of Cosimo.

Especially the closer contact of Lorenzo to the poets might have motivated Piero to fill the vacuum after his death and lead to the constructive Trionfi ideas.

Huck

More to the link between Piero and his uncle Lorenzo as the Medici contact to the intellectual elite:

The 4 Medici took administrative function for the Florentine university: Lorenzo and his nephew took much occupations, Cosimo and his son only rarely.

Lorenzo di Giovanni die Medici served as an ufficiale dello studio in 1431, from 1434 - 1435, and from 1436 to 1437 and as an accoppiatore in 1440 - 1441

Piero di Cosimo de Medici worked as ufficiale dello studio in 1445-1446, 1455 - 1456 and 1458 - 1461. He served as accoppiatore 1448, from 1452 - 1455, from 1458 - 1465; Piero studied under Filelfo before and was

***
Cosimo di Cosimo served as ufficiale della studio in 1416-17 and as accoppiatore in 1440-1441 (? likely replacing his dead brother Lorenzo).

Giovanni had the position of ufficiale della studio in 1447 - 1448.

The interest in keeping the unversity under control, had political reasons. In 1433 Cosimo was exiled and nearly had to pay wth his life.
This political misstep had a background in quarrels at the university

It started with Filelfo, who was welcomed as university teacher also by Cosimo.
However, Filelfo got envy, that another university teacher got comissions by the Medici family, Marsuppini. This led to first difficulties especially to the rettore of the university, Broccardi, and ...

After the election of a pro-Medici-Sgnoria in early March 1432 Filelfo was sentenced to 3 years exile. However the Signoria gave its protection to Filelfo against any attack of the rettore and the ufficiale della studio. In December 1432 Broccardi was at the end of his rectorship and Filelfo testified against Broccardi in the examination of the rectorship.
In Aril and May 1433 Filelfo send hostile letters. Filelfo was attacked at 18th in May and his face seriously cut. Broccardi was arrested and confessed under the torture, that he had hired the assailant. But the Medici were suspected as the real commissioners (the fine of Broccardi was paid by Lorenzo di Medici).
In September 1433 Cosimo was arrested and Filelfo called for his execution. Cosimo was send to exile. When Cosimo returned, Filelfo fled to Siena. An attempt to kill Filelfo failed, and Filelfo sent a killer, who should assassinate Marsuppini, Broccardi and Lorenzo di Medici.

Filelfo was sentenced in absentia. Finally he went to Milan to Filippo Maria Visconti, who loved persons, which hated his foes.

source:
http://books.google.com/books?id=c1...HQBQ&sig=qjVqkhg6xkqQUDPvpu4zfmmXeTA#PPA81,M1

It's remarked in the text also, that the Medici lost in political power by the peace of Lodi (1454; till 1458).
They focussed then especially on the university. Of the 5 ufficiale dello studiolo in 1455 - 1456 one was Pietro di Medici and the other were all Mediceans.

This latter condition should be reflected in the evaluation of the 1450 allowance of the Trionfi game. The reigning society of 1450 was exchanged in the meantime. The new regiment possibly were not in a similar way playing card friendly.

Ross G Caldwell

Giovanni di Ser Giovanni ("lo Scheggia") did another Triumph of Fame, but this time part of a series of Petrarch's triumphs for a cassone (like Pesellino's two examples)

Four of the series are preserved, at the Palazzo Davanzati in Florence -
http://www.copia-di-arte.com/a/florence-palazzo-davanzat.html

Cristelle L. Baskins study of cassoni, "Cassone Painting, Humanism and Gender in Early Modern Italy" (Cambridge Studies in New Art History and Criticism, 1998)
http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0521583934/ref=sib_dp_pt/104-4353952-2489505#reader-link

shows a very large detail of the figure of Fame on the cover. Instead of a globe or a cupid, she is holding a book in her left hand. You can also see that she is wearing a black polygonal halo, and has golden wings (a conflation with the figure of "Gloria" in the traditional triumph, I now suspect).

Ross

mjhurst

Hi, Ross,

Ross G Caldwell said:
Instead of a globe or a cupid, she is holding a book in her left hand. You can also see that she is wearing a black polygonal halo, and has golden wings (a conflation with the figure of "Gloria" in the traditional triumph, I now suspect).Ross

This may have already been mentioned, but books are another traditional attribute of fame. Because none of the cycles of illustration derive directly from Petrarch, there were a number of quite distinct iconographic traditions for depicting his sequence of allegorical triumphs. In one of them, Fame is illustrated, IIRC, simply as a cart full of books. Either that, or Time is illustrated as the cart overturned... or both. In any case, the symbolism is pretty obvious. I don't see an example online, however.

Best regards,
Michael

Ross G Caldwell

Hi Michael,

mjhurst said:
This may have already been mentioned, but books are another traditional attribute of fame.

Thanks, I don't think it has been mentioned. The symbolism is obvious, yes. Writing (writing *well* presumably) will give a fame transcending death, just as great deeds will.

If you're going to make the paths to immortal Fame a dichotomy, to fit into Fame's two hands, then you have to come up with something that will iconographically define those two things.

We've seen a golden apple, a cupid, and a book in her left hand in these Florentine depictions. We've seen a nothing or a sword in her right hand, in this particular school.

Other traditions give her a trumpet, scepter, and laurel branch or crown.

It seems like context determined some of these choices in our given examples.

Because none of the cycles of illustration derive directly from Petrarch, there were a number of quite distinct iconographic traditions for depicting his sequence of allegorical triumphs. In one of them, Fame is illustrated, IIRC, simply as a cart full of books. Either that, or Time is illustrated as the cart overturned... or both. In any case, the symbolism is pretty obvious. I don't see an example online, however.

Great! A cart full of books for a full Petrarchan Triumph of Fame? That seems either like Scrooge-like economy, or something fit for an emblem. I can't wait to see it.

Best regards,

Ross

mjhurst

Hi, Ross,

Ross G Caldwell said:
The symbolism is obvious, yes. Writing (writing *well* presumably) will give a fame transcending death, just as great deeds will.

Not only can one become famous by writing books (e.g., Virgil or St. Matthew) but fame is transmitted in books.

Ross G Caldwell said:
If you're going to make the paths to immortal Fame a dichotomy, to fit into Fame's two hands, then you have to come up with something that will iconographically define those two things.

We've seen a golden apple, a cupid, and a book in her left hand in these Florentine depictions. We've seen a nothing or a sword in her right hand, in this particular school.

Other traditions give her a trumpet, scepter, and laurel branch or crown.

I know I just sent this to you offlist, but it may be worth posting. About the sword and book... check out Edgar Wind's discussion (Pagan Mysteries of the Renaissaince) of the Golden Apple and its two sister attributes, sword and book. While the sword and apple (or book) make a good pairing, they are also part of a much larger context which Wind describes in Chapter V, "Virtue Reconciled with Pleasure". He begins with a discussion of Raphael's Dream of Scipio and three attributes, book, sword, and flower. He refers this to, among other things, Plato's three powers of the soul, which also relate to the three appetites and the three Moral Virtues.

In the Platonic scheme of the 'tripartite life', two gifts, the intellectual and moral, are of the spirit while the third gift (the flower) is of the senses. Together they constitute the complete man, but as they mingle in different proportions they produce different characters and dispositions.

Different writers honored (or defamed) noteworthy persons for they achievements in each of these areas. Given the laurel tree which seems to be growing directly out of Scipio, this picture is very much about his fame, as well as his choices to achieve it.

Web Gallery of Art: The theme of the paintings may by drawn from the poem, Punica, by Silius Italicus, which was well known in antiquity and which humanistic culture restored to fame. In the first panel, Scipio, the sleeping knight, must choose between Venus (pleasure) and Minerva (virtue); in the second, the Graces reward his choice of virtue with the Golden Apples of the Hesperides. The classical origin of this theme brings us back without doubt to the Florentine environment. The composition, which is dominated by a sense of great harmony, is a figurative consequence of the literary theme.

The Dream of Scipio and the Three Graces
http://www.wga.hu/cgi-bin/highlight.cgi?file=html/r/raphael/2firenze/1/21knight.html&find=scipio
http://www.wga.hu/cgi-bin/highlight.cgi?file=html/r/raphael/2firenze/1/21graces.html&find=scipio

Best regards,
Michael

Huck

mjhurst said:
http://www.wga.hu/cgi-bin/highlight.cgi?file=html/r/raphael/2firenze/1/21knight.html&find=scipio
http://www.wga.hu/cgi-bin/highlight.cgi?file=html/r/raphael/2firenze/1/21graces.html&find=scipio

Best regards,
Michael

Hm ... it's not important. but ...

"Critics believe that the two panels may have formed a single diptych presented to Scipione di Tommaso Borghese at his birth, in 1493."

Raphael was in 1493 10 years old and not in Florence, or? Sure, he had talent, but he helped usually his father.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raphael

Huck

Well,

let's assume there was no pictured Trionfi-edition before 1441.

Lorenzo il Vecchio di Medici died September 1440 and left to his nephew Pietro the function to watch over the university.

Pietro used the Trionfi-edition (with pictures and so naturally with a representation of Fame) and the literary competition in 1441 to approach this function and also to motivate humanistic ideas.

- It would be interesting to know just these pictures of the Matteo-di-Pasti-edition of Petrarca ...
... it seems, that they unluckily were never located

... but somehow it's strange, that Piero used an artist in Venice to paint a Trionfi edition, although this artist seems to have been young and unexperienced or not famous. Matteo might have haved the advantage, that he already painted these motifs and that his commissioner was satisfied with his work (?)

Matteo di Pasti lived (before Venice) in Verona, and Verona is too from Arqua, where Petrarca finally died (interestingly very near to Monselice, where Marcello liveed later), but Venice got the books of Petrarca (ergo likely the oldest Trionfi edition, too, the original manuscript). And Matteo di Pasti was in Venice.

The political condition (1441) between Venice and Florence were well, the Medici had a bank there. Naturally Piero would have written to his filiale and asked, if there were older pictures of the Trionfi or not corrupted texts of the original manuscript (which might have been the central problem) or a complete edition (which didn't exist), the chief of the filiale would have made some researches (library with Petrarca texts) and perhaps had found some old pictures, but he was in need of an miniatore to copy them ... and then a procedure might have started, in which the unknown Matteo di Pasti got a commission, cause he had the luck to be at the right location at the right time with the right abilities (miniatore) .

... but ...
The Britannica site on Matteo di Pasti says that the 1441
commission, in Venice, has never been located.

Well, perhaps it's worth to hunt this letter or letter-exchange.

Ross G Caldwell

Huck said:
The Britannica site on Matteo di Pasti says that the 1441
commission, in Venice, has never been located.

Well, perhaps it's worth to hunt this letter or letter-exchange.

The letter is published in Bonghi (sometimes spelled Bongi) "Lettere di Luigi Pulci a Lorenzo il Magnifico" (Lucca, 1868), but I haven't been able to see that.

Janet Ross "Lives of the early Medici, as told in their correspondence" (1910) contains several of Pulci's to Lorenzo, but not this one (starting on p. 100); but her book *is* available, and still valuable
http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=24106536

In a letter of January 12, 1467, Pulci writes from Pisa that "I mean to prepare a triumph which shall be praised by thee" (Ross has this archaizing conceit; a lot of English translators of old texts had it around the turn of the last century); so Pulci was writing a triumph (poem) for Lorenzo.

I found a downloadable PDF one time as well, but I can't re-find it now. It's huge anyway (55 megs) so maybe better to use the Questia one.

Yes, the Matteo de' Pasti commission has never been located.

Ross

Huck

Ross G Caldwell said:
The letter is published in Bonghi (sometimes spelled Bongi) "Lettere di Luigi Pulci a Lorenzo il Magnifico" (Lucca, 1868), but I haven't been able to see that.

Janet Ross "Lives of the early Medici, as told in their correspondence" (1910) contains several of Pulci's to Lorenzo, but not this one (starting on p. 100); but her book *is* available, and still valuable
http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=24106536

In a letter of January 12, 1467, Pulci writes from Pisa that "I mean to prepare a triumph which shall be praised by thee" (Ross has this archaizing conceit; a lot of English translators of old texts had it around the turn of the last century); so Pulci was writing a triumph (poem) for Lorenzo.

I found a downloadable PDF one time as well, but I can't re-find it now. It's huge anyway (55 megs) so maybe better to use the Questia one.

Yes, the Matteo de' Pasti commission has never been located.

Ross

To have Pulci's letters complete, would be a crucial point.

"I mean to prepare a triumph which shall be praised by thee"

Well, there are other ways to interprete this than as a poem. For instance it might refer to that, what later really happened, the "Lorenzo tournament" in February 1469, accompanied by a poem, which described it (made lilely by Luca (the begin) and Luigi Pulci (the rest)).
I think, Pulci understood himself as a possible manager of such triumphal occasions, for instance it seems that he participated in the organization of the Johannes-the-baptist festivities.

And Pulci is under suspicion (since long) to have influenced the production of Trionfi- or Minchiate cards versions, not alone, but in the context of the young group around Lorenzo, from which Luigi Pulci (17-18 years older than Lorenzo) was likely the oldest and possibly intentionally installed in silent agreement by Lorenzo's mother Lucrezia Tornabuoni to keep the young brigade just a little bit under parental control.

One should see, that Lorenzo already got a little triumph at 1st of May 1459, when he was allowed to make a show inside the general celebrations of the papal visit in April/May 1459 during his journey to the congress in Mantova.

Galeazzo Maria (5 years older than Lorenzo) was the honoured guest and observed kindly the activities of Lorenzo and his young brigade from the window then. The content of this show seems rather well documented.