Costa's Triumphs in Bentivoglio's Chapel

mjhurst

Ross G Caldwell said:
Pinelli's b/w reproduction shows that it is in fact the animal
Outstanding pic. I just changed the pic linked in my post above to better show the little vermin. Here's a larger, clearer version, along with a real ermine for comparison. In looking through various Trionfi pics I've scanned over the years, it seems that most of the Chastity triumphs show the nasty little bugger on a flag.

costa-ermine.jpg
real-ermine.jpg

So... Chastity is great, but one of Death's riders is reaching out to appropriate her standard.

Best regards,
Michael

P.S. I don't know if anyone's mentioned it, but Leonardo also did a great weasel picture.

http://arthistory.about.com/library/artists/tours/leonardo/n_leo_08.htm
 

Huck

Ross G Caldwell said:
They're in that one too (on the opposite wall to the Triumphs), but here all these authors I've quoted are talking about some figures *inside* the Triumph of Death.

Ross

I see, what you mean ...

bentivoglio.jpg


When all 3 pictures are from the same time, the Bentivoglio daughters look a little too young to be the girls at the death Trionfo.


****

real-ermine.jpg


There's an "Ermine" knight-order, belonging to Aragon and Naples
 

Ross G Caldwell

mjhurst said:
Here's a larger, albeit B&W, version, along with a real ermine for comparison.

costa-ermine.jpg
real-ermine.jpg

So... Chastity is great, but one of Death's riders is reaching out to appropriate her standard.

LOL - great work Michael!

Nice white one.

The reproduction I was mostly looking at was the one at the icozzano.scuole link. From the quality of that internet image, you'd think it was just a two-pronged banner - the color in the center looks just like the background. It's a good lesson to look further than the web if you are trying to make very precise observations (unless there is a giant jpg out there).

Ross
 

mjhurst

Hi, Ross,

Ross G Caldwell said:
From the quality of that internet image, you'd think it was just a two-pronged banner - the color in the center looks just like the background. It's a good lesson to look further than the web if you are trying to make very precise observations (unless there is a giant jpg out there).
Right. Otherwise, you might mistake a descending dove for the ringed planet Saturn! My best color version of Costa's Triumph of Death is the Web Gallery of Art JPEG, from which the color detail I linked above was taken.

http://www.wga.hu/cgi-bin/highlight.cgi?file=html/c/costa/triumph.html&find=triumph+death

The best illustrations I've found in books are large B&W ones in Philip Aries Images of Man and Death and good quality color ones in Evelyn Welch's Art in Renaissance Italy: 1350-1500 (Oxford History of Art).

Best regards,
Michael
 

Huck

Huck said:
There's an "Ermine" knight-order, belonging to Aragon and Naples

"Malo mori quam foedari" ("I would rather die than dishonoured"), motto of the knight order of Ermine, founded 1465 by King Ferdinand I of Naples. Naples showed an interest in the Trionfi, especially on Fama and Petrarca generally in the mid of the 70's . (Petrarca show in 1476 at the departure of the bride to the marriage at the court of Matthias Corvinus).

It seems to use ALSO the association ermine-chastity and long before the Bentivoglio pictures.

1465 saw the marriage between Ippolita Sforza and the heir of Aragon, (?) likely the opportunity to found the order.
 

Ross G Caldwell

Huck said:
"Malo mori quam foedari" ("I would rather die than dishonoured"), motto of the knight order of Ermine, founded 1465 by King Ferdinand I of Naples.

Better in English "I prefer death to dishonour" (literally "I prefer to die than to be sullied").

It seems to use ALSO the association ermine-chastity and long before the Bentivoglio pictures.

Of course, it was already in Petrarch. The symbol must be pretty old. Let's see...

Charbonneau-Lassay says that the motto "Potius mori quam foedari" (Rather death than dishonour) was the motto of the Dukes of Brittany. Maybe this was after 1465. He has a whole chapter on the Christian use of the Hermine. I'll get back to it later.

Ross
 

mjhurst

Huck said:
It seems to use ALSO the association ermine-chastity and long before the Bentivoglio pictures.
Indeed. We've been quoting a text that was written about 1348 in just that regard -- Petrarch began his Triumph of Death with such a reference. This is the opening of that chapter.

Triumph of Death
(Ernest Hatch Wilkins' translation)

THAT LADY, glorious and beautiful,
Who, once a pillar of high excellence,
Is now but spirit and a little earth,
In honor was returning from her war,
Glad for her victory over the great foe
Who with his fraudulence afflicts the world
Her weapons none save purity of heart,
Beauty of countenance and modest thought,
And converse ever virtuous and wise.
And it was wondrous in her train to see,
Shattered, the arrows and the bow of Love,
And those whom he had captured or had slain.
Returning from their noble victory
The lovely lady with a chosen few
Together made a troop that was but small
The glory that is true is ever rare
But for herself each one of them deserved
A noble poem, or historic fame.
The banner of their victory displayed
An ermine white upon a field of green,
Wearing a chain of topaz and of gold.
It is useful to keep in mind that almost all the things commonly attributed the influence of Petrarch's Trionfi were not original with him, and many of the most striking elements were not even present in his poems. The triumphal carts of each personification was an iconographic tradition not reflected in his poems. The allegorical beasts which pulled the carts were not there. The subject matter of the six personifications were commonplace centuries before and after. And so on.

The striking invention of Petrarch was the concatenated triumph upon triumph, linking six particular allegorical subjects as victor and captive. The triumphal form created by the artists was not his, but is nonetheless also associated with his name and fame. But when a work lacks one or more of the six allegories, their triumph/captive relationships, or when the iconographic triumphal form is significantly different, then the work must be assessed in its own right rather than being distorted and hammered into a Procrustean preconception about Petrarch.

Some specific details of a given work, like the banner showing an ermine upon a field of green in the present case, may clearly derive from Petrarch's text. Some, like the two personifications of Costa's Trionfi, their attributes, carts, and animals, may derive from Petrarch's iconographic legacy. But in many cases, those details tend to be minor, just learned allusions serving as erudite set-decoration for a larger allegorical narrative which may very different than the Petrarchian cycle. It may even be, as D.D. Carnicelli described a triumph in Book I of Philip Sidney's 1580 The Countess of Pembroke's Arcadia, "anti-Petrarchian".

In cases where the Petrarchian cycle of six particular subjects in a specified order is not present, attention needs to be paid to what is, in fact, present. Rather than simply being slapped with a label as a subset of Petrarch, a simplification of Petrarch, a corruption of Petrarch, a parody of Petrarch, etc., such works call for an open-minded consideration of the expressed design.

Best regards,
Michael
 

Huck

mjhurst said:
In cases where the Petrarchian cycle of six particular subjects in a specified order is not present, attention needs to be paid to what is, in fact, present. Rather than simply being slapped with a label as a subset of Petrarch, a simplification of Petrarch, a corruption of Petrarch, a parody of Petrarch, etc., such works call for an open-minded consideration of the expressed design.

I agree, that parodies and corruptions of "original art" naturally happen, and even might displayed in total different or even oppositional context.

I just think, that the story of the development of the Trionfi cards took place a little earlier than 1490, and that the observed ermine-chastity feature already played a signifant role at an eminent court (with the natural broad influence of others) already in the time, when Trionfi cards still could take up influences.

True, Petrarca wrote all this much earlier, but the iconographical influence of the text seems to have started 1441 (which was discussed earlier). It seems, that the Trionfi-Petrarchism started in Florence, Naples-1465 was later and the 1490-Bentivoglio-chapel is very much later.

Really contemporary to this 1490-theme is the Boiardo-deck, which was recently dated to 1487 - at least as far I analysed it in December 07 here at this place.

Lucrezia d'Este married Annibale Bentivoglio in January 1487 and passed these short 30 km from Ferrara to Bologna, accompanied by the earlier Ferrarese painter Costa ("... native-born Ferrarese painter. From at least 1485 he worked at Bologna in close connection with Francia ... "), who became responsible just for these paintings in the Bentivoglio-chapel. Likely the Boiardo Tarocchi poem was made for this wedding-event.

The Fame picture contains specific scenes (in other word stories), just as the Boiardo poem present in his short terzine also complex stories.

I mentioned that before, it didn't get any commentary.

The wedding was 1487 a grandious spectacle, and attracted the excitement of all Italy. Likely not believable, that Costa ignored this event totally in his art.
 

mjhurst

Hi, Huck,

Huck said:
True, Petrarca wrote all this much earlier, but the iconographical influence of the text seems to have started 1441 (which was discussed earlier). It seems, that the Trionfi-Petrarchism started in Florence, Naples-1465 was later and the 1490-Bentivoglio-chapel is very much later.
The iconographic tradition of Petrarch's Trionfi started in in the 14th century, and was very widespread throughout the 15th century, including not only Continental but also many English examples. The poem was popular in manuscript form from around the time of his death in 1374. Here are some comments from Petrarch scholar D.D. Carnicelli.

For reasons unknown to us, the methods of the medieval and Renaissance artists who illustrated the Trionfi became crystallized as early as the late fourteenth century and remained substantially unchanged for some two hundred years. The conventional illustrations of the Trionfi depict the six triumphs described in Petrarch's poem, but, with the exception of the first triumph, the details of the illustrations have virtually nothing to do with the contents of the poem.
[...]
In any case, it is clear that the illustrators took from Petrarch's poem little more than the titles of individual trionfi and the allegorical figures; none of the illustrations are attempts to render graphically and realistically the actual characters and incidents of the poem.
[...]
By the fifteenth century, a completely symmetrical form had been given to the representations: each trionfo was assigned a chariot, each depicted an allegorical figure sitting atop that chariot, and each included throngs of victims surrounding the chariot.
[...]
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the poem -- or, to speak more precisely, its subject matter -- pervaded virtually all areas of the graphic arts. In many of these representations the iconography is highly standardized and differs little from its predecessors; in many others there are minor but interesting variations on the standard iconography of the poem. The museums of Europe preserve thousands of paintings, drawings, miniatures, and assorted objets d'art whose subject matter was drawn from the themes of the poem.
The Trionfi and their pictorial conventions didn't wait for the printed versions to become popular.

(As an aside, the printed versions were almost always accompanied by a long moralization -- several times longer than the poem! -- which was apparently a very significant element in the late-15th and 16th-century popularity of the Trionfi. So the iconography and the commentary, neither quite in keeping with Petrarch's poem, were probably the biggest reasons for its popularity and influence.)

Huck said:
The wedding was 1487 a grandious spectacle, and attracted the excitement of all Italy. Likely not believable, that Costa ignored this event totally in his art.
So, any and every work of art that Costa did in that period would also include a reference to this wedding? Regardless of the nature of the commission or the subject matter depicted? Interesting theory....

On a related note, I mentioned that much of what passes for Petrarchian influence originates with the fact that his Trionfi were the best known examples of some extremely commonplace subjects (the six personifications) and forms (the triumphal carts). Because of that, a brief mention of Petrarch is sufficient for most art historians to dismiss any further consideration of the didactic intent of a work. Art historians have other concerns beyond iconography. Among the most notable things that an art historian will try to identify are precisely such commonplaces subjects which they can attach to a prominent precursor, (it's Petrarchian -- let's move along now), and things (like the family figures in the Costa Trionfi) that are historically noteworthy... along with, of course, provenance, artist and patron, style and execution, subsequent influence, place in the larger scheme of art history, etc.

None of that is particularly useful to the iconographic study of an allegorical work. Iconographically, details like the allusions to Petrarch are among the least informative observations one can make, precisely because they are commonplace. Unless the work in question actually is an illustration of Petrarch's Trionfi, such allusions are background elements, stage-setting or decorative embellishment. It is in the large and the unique elements that we find meaning of a particular work. In the Costa Trionfi there are four: the Fall and the world/wheel of Fortune; the Triumph of Fame; the Triumph of Death; and the soul's ultimate salvation. That is the context in which the Petrarchian (and other) elements have been used, i.e. re-used. Such recycling may or may not change the character of the individual elements, but it certainly tells a somewhat different story than the original.

Likewise, identifications relative to the patron, his family, events of the times, stylistic quirks of the artist, and so on, are usually uninformative with regard to the iconography of an allegorical work. These kinds of things are the most interesting to art historians, but the least informative to inconographers. What such things usually tell the iconographer is that the element in question can be ignored when looking at the big picture. They are essentially forced into the image, although usually in a thematically appropriate manner. They may, or may not, be illuminating details, but you can't start reading the picture from such commonplace or forced details.

Best regards,
Michael

P.S. It also needs to be noted that "iconographic tradition" is routinely a textual one rather than pictorial. In this case we are mainly concerned with actual illustrations, because Petrarch was not closely followed by the iconographic tradition that bears his name, but in many other cases, (as with the ermine banner), iconography refers to a textual source. What is discussed in a text often includes descriptions of how a scene looks, what the attributes of a figure are, how events take place, and so on. This is why a text like Petrarch's Africa can be iconographically influential even in the absence of illustrated copies.
 

Ross G Caldwell

Hi Michael,

mjhurst said:
The iconographic tradition of Petrarch's Trionfi started in in the 14th century,

Which 14th century illustrations of the Trionfi are you referring to?

Don't you think Carnicelli could be referring to the De Viris Illustribus depicitions of Fame as the "crystallization" of the methods of the depictions?

Ross