De Macrobe et Pythagore

Daimonax

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Note sur Macrobe (Macrobius)

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Note on Macrobe (Macrobius)

Que l'on suive la thèse que le tarot est une invention de la fin du Moyen Age réalisée par des lettrés (des cours ou monastères) ou, comme moi, celle qui retient une tradition païenne gréco-romaine [bachique] directe comme origine de l'iconographie du tarot (problème différent de l'histoire des jeux de cartes eux-mêmes), il y a un auteur ancien vraiment digne d'intérêt: Macrobe - ou Macrobius.

That one follows the thesis which the tarot is an invention of the end of the Average Age carried out by well-read men (of the courts or monasteries) or, like me, that which retains one pagan tradition gréco-Roman [bacchic] direct like origin of the iconography of the tarot (problem different from the history of the card decks themselves), there is an old author really worthy of interest: Macrobe - or Macrobius.


Contexte de Macrobe

Macrobe est l'un des tout derniers auteurs païens de langue latine, ses écrits datent du début du Ve siècle, alors que le très chrétien Honorius porte le titre d'Auguste en Italie.

Context of Macrobe

Macrobe is one of the very last pagan authors of Latin language, its writings date from the beginning of Ve century, whereas very Christian Honorius carries the title of Auguste to Italy.


Mais alors que la guerre religieuse, ouverte depuis Constantin et le concile de Nicée, entre les arianistes (ou ariens) d'un côté, qui affirmaient avec Arianus que le Fils procdédait du Père (donc distincts), et les catholiques d'alors qui, derrière Anasthase d'Alexandrie, défendaient la consubstantialité du Père et du Fils - les fameuses "querelles byzantines" -, accaparait tous les "intellectuels chrétiens", les empereurs augustes n'avaient d'autre choix que de recruter chez les derniers philosophes païens des lettrés capables de se charger de l'administration écrite de l'Empire, les seuls à cultiver encore un sens civique et de l'Etat, et du droit, loin de ces querelles théologiques qui ont déjà causé quelques civiles meurtières entre chrétiens. Le pontife Pretextatus et Macrobe furent de ceux-là.

But whereas the religious war, since open Constantin and the council of Nicée, between the arianists (or ariens) on a side, who affirmed with Arianus that the Son procdédait of the Father (thus distinct), and the catholics of then who, behind Anasthase of Alexandria, defended the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son - the famous ones “Byzantine quarrels” -, monopolized all the “Christian intellectuals”, the majestic emperors had of another choice to only recruit at the last pagan philosophers of the well-read men able to take care of the written administration of the Empire, the only ones to still cultivate a civic direction and of the State, and right, far from these theological quarrels which already caused some civil meurtières between Christians. The pontiff Pretextatus and Macrobe were these.

Œuvres

A part un traité de grammaire comparée sur les verbes latins et grecs, on doit à Macrobe deux œuvres intellectuelles riches de théologie romaine, les Saturnales et les Commentaires du songe de Scipon (selon Cicéron). Contrairement aux écrits de l'empereur Julien, surtout influencé par Porphyre et Jamblique, les références de Macrobe sont purement romaines classiques (incluant Platon, mais pas ses continuateurs excepté Aristote), d'un conservatisme outrancier même, faisant de l'antiquité de ses sources un argument d'autorité.

Works

Separately a treaty of grammar compared on the Latin and Greek verbs, one owes in Macrobe two works intellectual rich person of Roman theology, Saturnales and Comments of the dream of Scipon (according to Cicéron). Contrary to the writings of the Julien emperor, especially influenced by Porphyry and Jamblique, the references of Macrobe are purely Roman traditional (including Plato, but not his continuators except Aristote), of an outrageous conservatism even, making antiquity of its sources an argument of authority.


Toutes ses références et citations sont déjà "antiques" pour l'auteur, et ne dépassent pas le siècle d'Auguste (sauf pour des attaques contre des épicuriens) - il voue un véribale culte pour Virgile, et les cinq derniers livres des Saturnales sont un comentaire serré de l'œuvre du poète (contenu religieux et connaissances théologiques de Virgile, analyse de sa maîtrise de l'art rhétorique, prosodie et métrique, etc.).

All its references and quotations are already “ancient” for the author, and do not exceed Augustan age (except for attacks against epicureans) - it dedicates a véribale worship for Virgile, and the last five books of Saturnales are a tight comentaire work of the poet (contained religious and knowledge theological of Virgile, analyzes its control of art rhetoric, metric and prosody etc).

Mais quelles citations ! La plupart des auteurs cités, auteurs pour l'un d'un traité en 12 volumes du droit pontifical romain sous la République, pour l'autre d'une histoire romaine, ou de Fastes (calendrier religieux romain), ou d'un Traité des choses divines, ou de traités pythagoriciens de Nigidius, voire d'Ennius... Autant d'auteurs dont il ne nous reste rien aujourd'hui, si ce n'est les citations et paraphrases de Macrobe (quand il reprend à son compte certaines interprétations religieuses ou exposés "scientifiques"), sans doute l'un des derniers à avoir eu accès à ces livres, déjà très anciens (Ennius est du début du IIe avant J.-C.), traitant en détail de la religion romaine et de sa tradition ésotérique héritée du pythagorisme latin.

But what a quotations! Majority of the quoted authors, authors for one of a treaty in 12 volumes of the right pontifical Roman under the Republic, for the other of one Roman history, or of Record (religious calendar Roman), or of a Treaty of the divine things, or treaties pythagoricians of Nigidius, even of Ennius… As much authors of which there remain to us nothing today, if they are not the quotations and paraphrases of Macrobe (when he begins again on its account certain religious interpretations or exposed “scientific”), undoubtedly one of the last with to have had access to these books, already very old (Ennius is beginning of IIe before J.- C.), treating in detail of the Roman religion and its esoteric tradition inherited Latin pythagorism.


Et c'est là que l'œuvre de Macrobe peut paraître une "source" en rapport avec le tarot. Soit que des érudits du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance l'aient lu, soit que son œuvre soit le témoignage de croyances encore très vivaces au Ve siècle, bien plus que l'on ne le pense d'ordinaire. En tout cas, il y un traité d'astronomie-d'astrologie, des exposés de numérologie pythagorienne où l'on lit entre autres (Commentaires du songe de Scipion): "D'après les pythagoriciens, le chiffre huit est celui de la Justice..."

And it is there that the work of Macrobe can appear a “source” in connection with the tarot. Either that scholars of the Average Age and Rebirth read it, or that its work or the testimony of beliefs still very long-lived in Ve century, much more than one usually thinks it. In any case, it there a treaty of astronomy-of astrology, talks of numerology pythagorienne where one reads inter alia (Comments of the dream of Scipion): “According to the pythagoricians, the figure eight is that of Justice…”


Cela ne départage pas entre la thèse "classique" et la mienne sur les origines de l'iconographie du tarot, mais peut les renforcer toutes deux, avec cette citation précise d'un des derniers auteurs païens gréco-romains classiques associant le chiffre huit à la Justice et attribuant cette définition aux pythagoriciens, et à eux seuls. Avec la République de Cicéron (où figure le sonfege de Scipion), Macrobe est la source écrite la plus complète qui soit sur le pythagorisme romain, auquel on doit, selon moi ou Alain Bougearel (mais avec des thèses et démonstrations fort différentes), la structure générale du tarot.

That does not decide between between the “traditional” thesis and mienne on the origins of the iconography of the tarot, but can reinforce them both, with this precise quotation of one of the last pagan authors gréco-Romans traditional associating the figure eight Justice and allotting this definition to the pythagoricians, and alone. With the Republic of Cicéron (where figure the sonfege of Scipion), Macrobe is the written source most complete which is on the Roman pythagorism, to which one must, in my opinion or Alain Bougearel (but with extremely different theses and demonstrations), the general structure of the tarot.


C'est pour toutes ces raisons que je conseille aux chercheurs sur le tarot (et accessoirement sur la numérologie et l'astrologie pour ce qui est des "sciences ésotériques") la lecture des Saturnales et des Commentaires sur le songe de Scipion de Macrobe, dernier (et presque unique) maillon de l'ancienne tradition pythagoricienne romaine.

It is for all these reasons that I advise with researchers on the tarot (and incidentally on numerology and astrology as regards “esoteric sciences”) reading of Saturnales and Comments on the dream of Scipion de Macrobe, the last (and almost single) link of the old tradition Roman pythagorician.

Evohé !
Daimonax
 

DoctorArcanus

Macrobius is cool

Thank you Daimonax!!! Macrobius really seems to be an important source, and I never met him before reading your post.
In particular, I appreciate that you took the time to write a brief and informative introduction to the author, before going to the Tarot specific points.

A quick search on the internt brought me to Lacus Curtius: a site where the Latin text of the Saturnalia is available.
Unfortunaltely, I could not understand if that text is complete.

For the "Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis" I only found a scanned XII Century latin manuscript (fascinating, but very difficult to read for me). BTW, it contains a few colorful illuminations :)

Daimonax, could you please provide the exact reference of your quote about Justice and number eight (e.g. position in the Commentary and original Latin text)?

Vale
[M]
 

Daimonax

DoctorArcanus said:
Daimonax, could you please provide the exact reference of your quote about Justice and number eight (e.g. position in the Commentary and original Latin text)?
Vale
[M]

Livre I, fin du V (end of V),

qui a pour sous-titre:
who has as a subtitle:

Quanquam omnes numeri modo quodam pleni sint, tamen septenariuum et octovarium peculiariter plenos dici; quanque ob causam octononarius plenus vocetur.

Bien que tous les nombres soient en quelque sorte parfaits, cependant le septième et le huitième sont plus particulièrement considérés comme tels, pourquoi le nombre hui est appelé parfait.

Although all the numbers are to some extent perfect, however seventh and the eighth are more particularly regarded as such, why the number today is called perfect.


Début du dernier paragraphe:
Beginning of the last paragraph:

"Phytagorici vero hunc numerum [8] Justiciam vocaverunt."

Merci pour le lien vers les photos du manuscrit, superbe !

Thank you for the link towards the photographs for the manuscript, superb!

Evohé !
Daimonax

AJOUT

Texte latin complet
http://la.wikisource.org/wiki/Commentariorum_in_Somnium_Scipionis#Sectio_V
 

DoctorArcanus

Thanks again Daimonax.

I try to provide a rough translation of what Macrobius writes:


Pythagorici vero hunc numerum Iustitiam vocauerunt
quia primus omnium ita solvitur in numeros pariter pares hoc est in bis quaterna
ut nihilo minus in numeros aeque pariter pares divisio quoque ipsa solvatur id est in bis bina.
Eadem quoque qualitate contexitur id est bis bina bis.
Cum ergo et contextio ipsius pari aequalitate procedat et resolutio aequaliter redeat usque ad monadem
quae divisionem arithmetica ratione non recipit, merito propter aequalem divisionem Iustitiae nomen accepit,
et quia ex supra dictis omnibus apparet quanta et partium suarum et seorsum sua plenitudine nitatur iure plenus vocatur.


The followers of Pythagora in truth called this number "Justice",
because it is the first to be solved into numbers which are equally the same, id est into twice four;
and no smaller number can be divided once again in equal parts, id est twice two.
[That number] is weaved of a single quality, id est twice double two (bis bina bin).
Therefore, since its composition proceeds from equality and its resolution evenly goes back to the "monad",
which cannot be divided more by arithmetic, [number eight] takes the name of Justice on account of its division in equal parts.
From what was said above, it is clear to all how that number advances [the other numbers] for his parts and its own nature. So it is said to be full of law.


Marco
 

kwaw

DoctorArcanus said:
The followers of Pythagora in truth called this number "Justice",
because it is the first to be solved into numbers which are equally the same, id est into twice four;
and no smaller number can be divided once again in equal parts, id est twice two.
[That number] is weaved of a single quality, id est twice double two (bis bina bin).
Therefore, since its composition proceeds from equality and its resolution evenly goes back to the "monad",
which cannot be divided more by arithmetic, [number eight] takes the name of Justice on account of its division in equal parts.
From what was said above, it is clear to all how that number advances [the other numbers] for his parts and its own nature. So it is said to be full of law.
[/b]

Marco

Similar to the description in Agrippa's Occult Philosophy Vol.ii (macrobius probably his source, directly or indirectly):
The Pythagoreans call eight the number of justice, and fulness: first, because it is first of all divided into numbers equally even, viz. into four, and that division is by the same reason made into twice two, viz. by twice two twice; and by reason of this equality of division, it took to it self the name of justice...


He continues:


but the other received the name, viz. of fulness, by reason of the contexture of the corporeall solidity, since the first makes a solid body. Hence that custome of Orpheus, swearing by eight dieties [deities], if at any time he would beseech divine justice, whose names are these. Fire, Water, Earth, the Heaven, Moon, Sun, Phanes, the Night. There are also only eight visible Spheres of the heavens: also by it the property of corporeall nature is signified, which Orpheus comprehends in eight of his Sea songs. This is also called the covenant of circumcision, which was commanded to be done by the Jewes the eight day...

The number thirty two, the Hebrew Doctors ascribe to wisdom, and so many paths of wisdom are described by Abraham. But the Pythagorians call this the number of Justice, because it is alwaies divisible into two parts, even unto a unity.
[ie, 32, 16, 8, 4, 2, 1]...

The number eight, by reason it containes the mysterie of justice, is ascribed to Jupiter; it is also dedicated to Vulcan, for of the first motion, and the number two, which is Juno drawn twice into it self, it consists;
[That is Juno 'virgin' mother of Vulcan' is ascribed to the number 2, because 'The number two is ascribed to the Moon, which is the second great light, and figures out the soul of the world, and is called Juno, because betwixt that and unity there is the first conjunction, and neer fellowship' and 2 drawn twice into itself = 2x2x2=8].

Kwaw
 

Daimonax

La suite aussi est de Macrobe, toujours dans les Commentaires du songe de Scipion, quand il explique les "trois dimensions", la première avec le point (1) et la ligne (2 [points]), la deuxième la surface (4, 4 lignes pour la définir), et la troisième, le volume, avec le huit,, déplacement-dédoublement du carré. Macrobe parle de volumes pairs ici, maos aussi des volumes "impairs", à base du 3 (les triangle platoniciens), qui devient 9 en devenant surface, puis 27 en devenant volume "impair".

The continuation also is of Macrobe, always in Comments of the dream of Scipion, when it explain the “three dimensions”, the first with the item (1) and the line (2 [points]), the second surface (4, 4 lines to define it), and the third, volume, with the eight, displacement-unfolding of the square. Macrobe speaks about even volumes here, maos also of “odd” volumes, containing the 3 (the triangle Platonic), which becomes 9 while becoming surface, then 27 while becoming “odd” volume.


En tout cas, aucun doute, Agrippa plagie ici Macrobe, sans le citer. Habitude normale à la Renaissance, j'ai relevé dans Rabelais aussi des emprunts de ce genre, à Gallien entre autres, dans sa version latine. C'est un jeu que de retrouver les auteurs "pillés" par ces savants de cette époque, juste des paraphrases, quand ce n'est pas une traduction directe. Cela étant, Macronius est un peu entre les deux, il cite ses sources quand elles sont anciennes, comme Ennius, Platon, Virgile ou Cicéron - donnant de l'autorité aux thèmes exposés -, mais plagie parfois, reprend à son compte des idées de théologie gréco-romaine développées bien plus tard. J'ai elevé ainsi un emprunt à Porphyre où il s'est abstenu de citer sa source.

In any case, no doubt, Agrippa plagiarize Macrobe here, without quoting it. Normal practice with the Rebirth, I belonged in Rabelais also to the loans to this kind, in Gallien inter alia, in his Latin version. It is a play to find the authors “plundered” by these scientists of this time, just of the paraphrases, when it is not a direct translation. That being, Macronius is a little between the two, it quotes its sources when they are old, like Ennius, Plato, Virgile or Cicéron - giving authority to the exposed topics -, but plagiarizes sometimes, takes up on its account ideas of theology gréco- Roman developed well later. I raised a loan with Porphyre thus where it abstained from quoting its source.

Evohé !
Daimonax