II La Papesse

Ross G Caldwell

Papesse images in 17th century printers' marks

I found some printers' devices while cataloging our library's "fonds anciens" (the 15th-19th century books), which show a Papesse-like figure as an allegory of the Church, or Rome, or both.

http://www.geocities.com/anytarot/papessa.html

This is in striking contrast to the Protestant use of sleazier versions of images like her, to suggest the corruption and vice of the Roman Catholic Church.

When thinking about the iconography of La Papesse, it is important to remember then that context is everything. Such an image is not *in itself* subversive or controversial.
 

jmd

Many comments amongst the very erudite posts in History of the High Priestess and the various links connected therein, together with especially my own rather 'dismissive' reply to the 'problem' of the past usage of the papal testes check prior to his being declared Pope (in the thread The Real Female Pope: La Papess or Le Pape?), have lead me to seriously try and re-consider the very possibility of connections between this card and Pope Joan.

I started out my general reading with the view that
a) there may have indeed have been such a Pope - recalling some anecdotal evidence of early and pre-reformation manuscripts;

b) irrespective of Catholic forces at work, Huguenots would have rather used the incident to make either explicit or implicit comments on the Church; and

c) if the Marseille's development of standardisation occured in a milieu that favoured Huguenot thought, yet also was careful enough to depict imagery in ways that could be interpreted in virtually opposite ways in dangerous times, the imagery could easily be 're-explained'.​
I suppose I am personally more inclined to accept a wide range of possible 'meanings' to symbolic iconography than some. Iconography has a precision, yet it also has a breadth of meaning.

What we have in the image of the Papesse are a number of important features: she is female - or, at least, with its naming, there is no ambiguity as to her gender.

Whether she could have represented allegory of Church is clear from the research presented by Ross Caldwell - and discussed wonderfully in the thread I link to above. As critically mentioned by Diana, however, she is not called 'church', but 'papesse'.

On the other hand, and as I have mentioned in this and other threads, the Dodal calls her not 'Papesse', but 'Pances' - ie, 'Belly' or 'Womb'.

This can be further used as allegory of the Church if one wants to, for it is within its 'womb' that one is baptised and reborn as (catholic) Christian.

As 'Papesse', I now also cannot see how the card would have failed to have been considered as illuminating the legendary Pope Joan. The story was reasonably well known in France, including there being not only satire, but a play written a little earlier than our considerations - and one with apparent popularity. Only a fraction of the population need have seen it for its subject matter to have been more widely known.

If such is the case, than it seems that perhaps the card's very referent probably also (but not only) would have harkened to the see of Rome via the figure of the English born, early German emigrated and educate, and later Greek educated Joan.

Still, this would not have prevented a 'tighter' iconographic explanation or view that the principal image was that of the virgin Mary during the Annunciation - still my own preference as the explanation for the dominant aspect of the image - especially as presented in the Dodal.
 

Sophie

I'm with you, jmd - the icononaphy (at least) of the Annunciation is fairly well reflected. But La Papesse is obviously much older than Mary, so I think the Annunciation scene was an inspiration, but La Papesse is not meant to depict the Annunciation itself, or Mary mother of Jesus.

If you've ever wondered what a more active-looking Papesse might look like, take a look at this :)

http://www.tarotgarden.com/library/misc/kidsgallery04.html

(OK - this is pure propaganda for my nephew).
 

Sophie

Rusty Neon - La Papesse is older in the age depicted (Mary is always depicted very young) - not in epoch :)
 

kwaw

The Bride of Christ

The papesse belongs to a group of cards, fool to pope, comparable with other hierarchal allegories of the ‘ranks of man’. Maybe relating the card within this context can give us some clue as to its historical signification. As a 'baseline' with which to compare the ranks of man group within
the tarot sequence I would suggest the medieval three estates of man -
peasants, nobility and clergy; and the three estates of woman -
virgin, wife and widow. In using this as a ‘baseline’ understand that I am not saying this is the source of the tarot sequence. Merely that it is an example of the ‘ranks of man’ concept which is fairly well known and understood, and which through a process of comparison of similarities and differences may shred some light on the ‘ranks of man’ sequence of the tarot.

Our card sequence in comparison we may relate to our comparative model
with the poor man as peasant, emperor as nobility, pope as clergy;
but differs from the model with the bagatto, one to many, an addition
to our baseline model. This leaves us with the two female cards in
our 'ranks of man' grouping, the popesse and the empress; which I
think we may compare to our baseline model with the virgin and wife,
differing in that it lacks the widow. These differences I think are enough to show that the traditional three estates of medieval society are not the basis or source of our tarot sequence. Excepting for the purpose of our speculative 'free association' the comparisons, how do we explain or what can we understand by the differences?

The inclusion of a fourth estate of man, the mercantile class [which
in its early stages included artisans], suggests a late medieval
period. Certainly post late 14th century when we see the beginning of
the breakdown of the feudal 'three estates of man' of the medieval
period [by which I mean the three classes 'peasants', 'nobility'
and 'clergy']. This breakdown into further class divisions begins
[but is not limited to] with the recognition/rise of the mercantile
class, giving us our fourth 'estate of man' [bagatto, with poor man
as peasant, emperor as nobility, pope as clergy]. A problem with this
is that the breakdown of the medieval feudal three estates into
further classes is not limited to the mercantile class, but also sees
the rise of others such as intellectual 'middle' class such as
clerics who perhaps we can dismiss as still being subsumed under the
classification of 'clergy', teachers, physicians, lawyers. Why then
is the tarot sequence limited to four estates? One possibility is
timescale, the rise of mercantile/artisan class was the first to be
recognized as a separate 'estate of man' in its own right and
therefore the inclusion of this estate but not others is an
indication of an early date of design within the late medieval
period. Another possible explanation is one of design, in a scheme
which wished to limit the estates of man for example to one which
would correspond perhaps with an already existing scheme of four
suits of cards.

What then of the three estates of woman? Excepting for purpose of our
speculative free association that popesse may be equated to 'virgin'
and empress to 'wife' how do explain the difference to our baseline
model with the loss of the third estate 'widow'. One explanation is
that the 'widow' has been subsumed in one of the other two; in
defense of this supposition we may draw a parallel with chauser, who
subsumes the two estates of wife and widow in the one character of
the 'wife of bath'. In terms of our tarot sequence however, presuming
a 15th century N.Italian origin, it is just as likely the figure of
widow is subsumed under the figure of the 'popesse', given the fact
that many widows of the period and place joined nunneries [a practice
that for various reasons appears to have ceased in the 16th century].
The problem this fails to answer is why the conflation of two estates
in our tarot sequence? One possibility is that our tarot scheme reflects a change in the perceived 'estates of woman' in 15th century N.Italy from the three estates to basically two, those two being as a 'bride of man' or
a 'bride of Christ'.

The calling of the figure of the bride of Christ 'popesse' and her
positioning below the empress subverts this two-fold division of the
estates of woman however; suggesting to me an element of satire or
propagandist polemic.

The image bears close comparison with images of ecclesia, the church. It is based upon the concept of the church as 'the bride of Christ', and as it is not called 'ecclesia' or 'papacy' but 'papesse' and in the context of a group related probably to the ranks of man I think it quite possible it relates to the concept of 'the bride of Christ' as one of the two estates of woman commonly referred to in 15th century N.Italy; the other estate being 'bride of man'.

This would give us the four estates of man, peasant, merchant, noble
and clergy; and two estates of woman, bride of Christ and bride of
man. A scheme that is consistent with place and period. If the
papesse and empress did refer to these two estates of woman then
their order is significant. The conventional and orthodox order, in
tune with an underlying concept of 'contempt for the world', is for
the bride of Christ to be valued 'higher' than the bride of man. To
place the bride of man above the bride of Christ places it in the
tradition of the reformists whose voice is most commonly reflected in
the form of satirical allegories of the time, and via which may also relate the figure to that of Pope Joan, a character of many a satirical allegory of the period. Whatever the intent behind the image, Pope Joan was well known through satirical literature, and in the 14th and 15th century at least was considered a historical figure; I find it difficult to believe that anyone of the period would not have made an association between the image and Pope Joan. The title popesse/pope in terms of ranks of man is also perhaps suggestive of a 'marriage' between the ranks of the brides of christ and clergy, hinting at accusations of sexual relationships that were common in satirical allegories, often pornagraphically so in their sallacious description and innuendo. While such accusations in such satirical allegories are undoubtedly exagerated by the polemics of reformist agenda and sallaciousness of meeting the expectation of an often pornographic genre, they did have an element of truth; particularly in context of the 15th century, the 'golden age' of conventual sexuality.

The concept of the bride of christ is so multivalent I prefer to view in context of all its associations - the 'bride of christ' could refer to the church, or to an 'estate of woman', to some a virgin, to others a whore; pances [womb] could refer to Mary, Augustine called Mary the Bride and her womb the 'bridal chamber' of the bridegroom Christ; according to some gnostic sources much quoted today, although I am unsure of how well known such a concept was then, Mary Magdalene was the 'bride of Christ'.


Another explanation is that the sequence parallels just
the three estates, being represented by three pairs fool/bagatto as
peasant, popesse/pope as clergy, empress/emperor as nobility. While
woman are part of the 'three estates of man' they are usually 'taken'
to be so included and not separately represented; but perhaps our
designer decided they should be [but why the male to male pairing of
fool/bagatto?]. Another problem is that it provides no explanation
for the odd naming and position of the 'popesse'. If we do take popesse/pope as representing the estate of 'those who pray', then the popesse could still be taken as the female members of that estate, and so as nuns still a 'bride of christ'.

Kwaw
 

kwaw

re:pope Joan, Sophia and the Greek Orthodox Church

Ross G Caldwell said:
She could also be suggestive of St. Sophia, but her daughters Faith, Hope and Charity are missing. But in the Visconti di Modrone (Cary-Yale), those virtues are there, but the Papessa is missing - so maybe they were all part of the deck at some point, while the Bembo and later decks only took Sophia, who came to be an obvious pair with the Pope, hence Papessa.

Ross

I can't remember where I read it so don't have a reference at the moment, but I am sure I have read somewhere that one of the explanations for the origins of the Pope Joan story is that is was adapted from a similar claim made about one of the Popes of the Greek Orthodox Church.

Kwaw
 

kwaw

Pope Joan and Transvestite Nuns

In Virgins of Venice Mary Laven writes [brackets mine]:

quote
Suor Gratiosa Raspi escaped from the Franciscan convent of San Sepolcro in 1618. She paid a boatman to supply her with an outfit of men's clothes, and to row her from the convent to the mainland. Her plan was to enter a friary a Rua near Padua, where she hoped she would be able to lead a more austere way of life. Once discovered [through a slip of the tongue, she used feminine suffixes when refering the herself], she was returned to her convent, where she was interviewed by the patriarch's vicar or deputy. This is her own account of why she ran away:

"Inspired, as I believed, by the majesty of God....I left the convent with the intention of becoming a friar at Rua, where I could live in chaste and pure service to God, pursuing the most austere way of life, believing that the mortification of the body would be pleasing to the Lord and of service to him..... This thought came to me having read that Saint Marina and Saint Eufrosina had each led a life in a monastery of friars."

Suor Gratiosa's plan belonged to a holy tradition, of which she was well aware. Both the Saints she mentioned did indeed serve God under the habits of monks. Eight century Saint Marina was moreover a cross-dressing model of local significance, since her relics were transferred to Venice in 1230."
end quote

Kwaw
 

kwaw

kwaw said:
to some a virgin, to others a whore;

For example the diarist Giralamo Priuli in 1501 dubbed the city's nuns as 'public prostitutes' and their convents as 'honest whore houses'. in 1509 he wrote that there were more than 15 convents which bore the reputation of public bordellos and that noble girls, born of the foremost nobility had been transformed into 'public whores'.
In 1497 the Franciscan Timoteo da Lucca, preaching in San Marco, lamented "whenever a foreign gentleman comes to this city, they show him the nunneries, scarcely nunneries at all in fact but brothels and public bordellos'.
Gaspari Contarini in De Officio Episcopi in 1516 wrote 'many convents of virgins, dedicated to God, stand in for bordellos'.
A supplication from the nuns of San Maffio di Mazzorbo to the convent magistrates warned 'Your illustrious Lords know how in the year 1509 divine justice struck this Republic on account of the horrors which were continually committed by the conventual nunneries of this City, and that these nunneries were reduced to the state of public brothels'.
In 1620 a charge of denunciation was made against San Servolo 'that it appeared not to be a place of religious woman but rather of true whores'.

source: The Virgins of Venice by Mary Lavant.

Kwaw
 

jmd

According to some of the books I have read on Pope Joan, the claim that the see of Constantinople was held by a woman was a later accusation by the Roman Church, at a time when the Joan story had already held sway within Catholic ranks (and pre-reformation).

Unlike the Roman pontiff's possibility, there is not a shread of evidence that Constantinople was ever in a similar situation... perhaps to their loss ;)
 

Fulgour

Wholly Pirates East & West

It is also helpful to remember that the only real difference
between Rome and Constantinople could well be expressed
as the difference between the devil and the deep blue sea.